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Phone records expose alleged effort to derail Villavicencio murder investigation

Published on June 08, 2026

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Investigators say seized devices reveal political contacts, witness pressure and attempts to discredit the assassination case.

Digital evidence expands the investigation

A collection of phone records, chat messages and clandestine recordings has opened a new front in the investigation into the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio, exposing what prosecutors describe as a coordinated effort to influence witnesses and undermine the case against the alleged masterminds.

The evidence includes messages recovered from the phones of María Paula Christiansen, the partner of former Interior Minister José Serrano, and Marcelo Lasso, a key witness who later withdrew his accusations. Investigators also examined devices seized from former police officer Rodney Rengel, who is separately being prosecuted for allegedly leaking restricted information.

Taken together, the records portray a network of political figures, criminal defendants and intermediaries who allegedly remained in contact as investigators attempted to determine who ordered Villavicencio’s murder on August 9, 2023, following a campaign event in Quito.

Those being prosecuted include Serrano; former Citizen Revolution assemblyman Ronny Aleaga; Xavier Jordán; Daniel Salcedo; and alleged leaders of the Los Lobos gang.

Messages link Serrano’s circle and Jordán

One of the most significant pieces of evidence came from an iPhone belonging to Christiansen. The device was voluntarily delivered to authorities by Serrano’s defense attorney in November 2025.

According to the police report, Christiansen communicated through WhatsApp with a person investigators believe was Jordán, who was saved in her contacts under the name “Xavier Nuevo.” Jordán is also wanted in connection with the Metástasis case, an investigation into a judicial corruption network linked to drug trafficker Leandro Norero.

The conversations allegedly included exchanges of documents and discussions about legal strategies. Investigators say Jordán shared information related to Salcedo and proposed finding an American expert who could give a voluntary statement involving supposed communications between Aleaga and former prosecutor Diana Salazar.

The relationship described in the report appears to predate Villavicencio’s murder. Investigators identified messages exchanged in July 2023, more than a month before the assassination. They also found a May 2023 group conversation involving Christiansen in which Jordán reportedly referred to an unsuccessful attempt to contact someone investigators believe was Serrano.

The exchanges do not, by themselves, establish responsibility for Villavicencio’s murder. However, prosecutors are presenting them as evidence that individuals now accused in the case had maintained channels of communication before and after the killing.

Witness reversal draws scrutiny

The phone of Marcelo Lasso provided another set of messages that investigators believe could help explain a dramatic reversal in his testimony.

Lasso initially told authorities that the murder had been planned beginning in 2022. He claimed Jordán, Serrano, Salcedo and Aleaga had raised $1 million to hire members of Los Lobos and the Oliver Sinisterra Front to kill Villavicencio.

But Lasso later withdrew those accusations during a deposition conducted by videoconference from Bolivia. The testimony was given in connection with a civil defamation lawsuit filed in the United States by Jordán against Salazar. Lasso said his original accusations had been made under pressure from Ecuadorian authorities.

Prosecutors are now examining communications recovered from a Samsung phone associated with Lasso. The device was delivered to investigators by one of Jordán’s attorneys.

According to the police analysis, the phone contained evidence of direct contact between Lasso and Jordán, as well as messages involving Aleaga. Investigators say the conversations suggest Jordán was helping Lasso explore travel to the United States, including possible visa arrangements, employment opportunities and financial assistance.

Shortly before his deposition, Lasso also exchanged messages with Ronald Herrera, a former police officer and protected witness. In those conversations, Lasso allegedly suggested that Jordán could influence legal proceedings and that the defendants were able to deliver what they promised.

Herrera has separately testified that Salcedo recruited him to monitor Villavicencio in exchange for money. Herrera also claimed that Serrano requested information about the surveillance during video calls and that intermediaries later offered him $300,000 to change his testimony and accuse Salazar of fabricating the case.

Former officer accused of aiding political strategy

A separate branch of the investigation focuses on Rengel, a former police officer who became publicly known for his role in the León de Troya investigation. That case examined alleged connections between people close to the administration of former President Guillermo Lasso and organized crime.

Rengel was detained in December 2025 and prosecuted for allegedly disseminating restricted information. Authorities suspect he leaked confidential records from the León de Troya investigation and may have participated in a broader network that traded sensitive data.

During the operation, investigators seized several phones, including an iPhone 16 that Rengel voluntarily handed over. Forensic analysis revealed contacts with Aleaga, who was reportedly stored under a false name. The evidence also indicates that Rengel traveled to Venezuela for meetings with Aleaga.

Investigators recovered recordings of a meeting attended by figures associated with the Citizen Revolution movement, including former President Rafael Correa, Aleaga and Rengel. According to the case file, participants discussed a public-relations strategy aimed at questioning the Villavicencio investigation and portraying it as a politically motivated case constructed by Salazar.

Police analysts say Rengel was viewed as useful because of his law-enforcement background. He allegedly provided a version of events suggesting that authorities had advance warning of the attack against Villavicencio but failed to act.

The investigator responsible for the related Acropolis case later denied that such warnings existed. Rengel also reportedly acknowledged that he had not verified the information and had presented it in an effort to build credibility with political figures.

The expanding case file leaves the court to weigh a complicated body of evidence: witness statements that have changed over time, alleged offers of money, private communications among defendants and political contacts, and recordings that prosecutors say reveal efforts to weaken public confidence in the investigation. The next judicial decisions will determine how much of that evidence is sufficient to send the accused to trial.

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